ith. No doubt a breach of the
Constitution by the Irish Parliament might be remedied by the use of the
sovereignty reserved to the British Parliament. But it is difficult even
then to see the great advantage of this reservation. In any case in
which England would be morally justified in setting aside the terms of
the high Parliamentary contract, she would be equally justified in
suspending the Constitution by the use of force. The employment of power
becomes the more not the less odious because it is allied, or seems to
be allied, with fraud. The miserable tale of the transactions which
carried the Treaty of Union teaches at least one indisputable
lesson--the due observance of legal formalities will not induce a people
to pardon what they deem to be acts of tyranny, made all the more
hateful by their combination with deceit. For the British Parliament to
renounce the exercise whilst retaining the name of sovereignty is the
very course by which to run a great risk of damaging the character
without any certainty of increasing the power of Parliament.

The plain answer then to the enquiry on which we have been engaged is
this:--

Under the Gladstonian Constitution, as foreshadowed in the Government of
Ireland Bill, the sovereignty of the British Parliament is legally
rendered doubtful, and is morally reduced to nothing.

[Sidenote: Does Constitution secure justice?]

_2nd Question._--Does the Gladstonian Constitution secure justice?

The justice which the Constitution ought to secure is twofold--justice
to Great Britain, and justice to all classes, including minorities, of
Irishmen.

The just claims of Great Britain may roughly be summed up under the one
claim, that Ireland should contribute her fair share to Imperial
expenditure.

The Gladstonian Constitution, nominally at least, makes fair provision
that this claim should be satisfied. But any one who looks into the
matter with care will find reason to think that as regards the exaction
of payments from Ireland, which are already known by the hateful name of
"tribute," Great Britain will find herself involved in this dilemma.
Either she must surrender the tribute, or else surrender all hope of
attaining the main object for the sake of which it is proposed to grant
Home Rule to Ireland. If the tribute is exacted, we may be sure that it
will have to be exacted in the long run by British officials supported
by a British army. Laws, we are told, which are otherwise j