l work even in their religion, even in
their politics.
* * * * *
The idea I have in mind is already foreshadowed in the city of Cleveland.
The spirit of the people of Cleveland has already rebelled against being
treated as a ghost--against being whoofed at by Labor unions and trusts.
Always before this, when incompetent manufacturers and incompetent labor
unions, for the mere reason that they had not the patience to try very
hard and were incompetent to understand one another and do their job,
held up the whole city--five hundred thousand people--and calmly made
them pay for it, the city of Cleveland like any other city would venture
to step in sweetly and kindly, look spiritual and intangible a minute,
suggest wistfully that they did feel capital and labor were not being
quite fair to Cleveland and would they not please stop interrupting
Cleveland several million dollars a day. All that ever would come of it
would be the yowls of Labor at the Ghost of Cleveland, the noble whines
of manufacturers at the Ghost of Cleveland.
Cleveland was treated as if it was not there.
Cleveland now swears off from being a ghost and proposes to deal bodily
and in behalf of all, with its own lockouts and its own strikes in much
the same way I am hoping the nation will, according to the news in my
paper this morning.
With Mr. Paul Pfeiss, an eminently competent manufacturer, recognizing
the incompetence of his own group as partly responsible for the holdups
practiced on the city and with Mr. Warren S. Stone, an eminently
competent labor union leader, recognizing the incompetence of his own
group as being also partly responsible--with these two men, one the
official representative of the Capital group, and the other the official
representative of the Labor group, both championing the Public group and
standing out for Cleveland against themselves, taking the initiative and
acting respectively as President and Secretary of the Public group, the
Ghost of the city of Cleveland publicly swears off from being a ghost and
begins precipitating a body for itself.
I do not wish to hamper my own statement of my idea of a body for the
people of the United States by linking it up with a definite undertaking
in Cleveland which may or may not prove to be as good an illustration of
it as I hope, but the spirit and the understanding of what has got to
happen, seems to be in Cleveland--and I stop in th
|