nt, to their proper practical relations
to the Union. Congress provided by law for the reconstruction of
the rebel States. The President, from whatever motives it matters
not, stands in his Executive Office, and by all his influence and
power opposes restoration according to law. As an Executive Officer,
he has no such right, and his opposition to the laws of Congress
on the subject of reconstruction has cost this Nation thousands of
loyal men who have been murdered in the South on account of their
devotion to the Flag, and millions of money which is to be added
to the enormous public debt to be cast upon the necks of the people.
Shall the Nation endure it longer? Shall we struggle on and on
until the welcome day comes when his term shall expire? The people
say 'No'; men struggling in business say 'No'; men longing for
peace and harmony in the land say 'No'; the loyal men of the South,
who have been abused and hunted by wicked rebels, say 'No'; and I
trust that the answer of all these may be the answer of this House
to-day, and the answer of the Senate of the United States within
a reasonable time after these articles shall be sent to them."

Needless for me to say, that as the subject continued feeling
remained at a high pitch in the House. It was debated from day to
day. Stevens was urging the impeachment with all the force at his
command; some were doubtful and holding back, as I was; some changed
--for instance, James G. Blaine, who was taunted by Stevens and
sneered at for his change of front.

Under the law then existing the President of the Senate succeeded
a Vice-President who became, by the death or removal of the President,
President of the United States. The radicals in complete control
--and I have no doubt that Stevens had a hand in it--elected the
most radical of their number as President of the Senate--Ben Wade,
of Ohio. Johnson removed, Wade would have been President, and the
extreme radicals would have been in supreme control of the legislative
and executive departments of the Government.

This condition is what made Mr. Blaine hesitate. He told me on
one occasion: "Johnson in the White House is bad enough, but we
know what we have; Lord knows what we would get with old Ben Wade
there. I do not know but I would rather trust Johnson than Wade."
But in the end Blaine supported the impeachment articles, just as
I did, and as Senator Allison and other somewhat conservative
members did, all f