eeling at the same time not a little doubtful of
our course.
Stevens, Logan, Boutwell, Williams, and Wilson were appointed
managers on the part of the House, and solemnly and officially
notified the Senate of the action of the House in impeaching the
President of the United States. The Senate proceeded without long
delay to resolve itself as a High Court of Impeachment, for the
purpose of trying the President of the United States for high crimes
and misdemeanors. The most eminent counsel of the Nation were
engaged. Mr. Evarts was President Johnson's principal counsel.
He was ably assisted by lawyers of scarcely less renown.
The trial dragged along from day to day. Part of the time the
Senate considered the matter in executive session. The corridors
were crowded; and I remember with what astonishment we heard that
Judge Trumbull had taken the floor denouncing the proceeding as
unworthy of a justice of the peace court. The Illinois delegation
held a meeting, and Logan, Farnsworth, and Washburne urged that we
unite in a letter to Judge Trumbull, with a view to influencing
his vote for conviction, or of inducing him to withhold his vote
if he could not vote for conviction. A number of our delegation
opposed it, and the letter was not sent.
I do not think that it would have made the slightest effect on
Judge Trumbull had we sent it. All sorts of coercing methods were
used to influence wavering Senators. Old Bob Schenck was the
chairman of this movement, and he sent telegrams broadcast all over
the United States to the effect that there was great danger to the
peace of the country and the Republican cause if impeachment failed,
and asking the recipients to send their Senators public opinion by
resolutions and delegations. And responses came from all over the
North, urging and demanding the impeachment of the President.
It is difficult now to realize the intense excitement of that
period. General Grant was there, tacitly acknowledged as the next
nominee of the Republican party for the Presidency. He took no
active part, but it was pretty well understood, from the position
of his friends such as Logan and Washburne, that the impeachment
had his sympathy; and in the Senate Conkling was especially
vindictive. Grimes, Fessenden, and Trumbull led the fight for
acquittal. Many were noncommittal; but in the end the struggle
turned on the one doubtful Senator, Edmund G. Ross of Kansas.
It was determined to vo
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