he Judge, for whom I had profound respect.
I visited him at his house. I explained to him my doubts, and I
recall very clearly the expression he used in reply. He said:
"Johnson is an obstruction to the Government and should be removed."
Judge Trumbull himself changed afterwards, much to the astonishment
of every one, and denounced the impeachment proceeding as unworthy
of a justice of the peace court.
It seems to me difficult to realize that it was as far back as
March 2, 1868, that I addressed the House in favor of the impeachment
articles. I think I made a pretty good speech on that occasion
and supported my position very well. I took rather an extreme view
in favor of the predominance of the legislative department of the
Government, contending that the executive and judiciary departments
of the Government, while they are finally responsible to the people,
are directly accountable to the legislative department.
The first and principal article in the impeachment proposed by the
House was the President's issuance of an order removing Edwin M.
Stanton as Secretary of War, he having been duly appointed and
commissioned by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, and
the Senate having been in session at the time of his removal.
I contended then, on the floor of the House, that such a removal
was a violation of the Constitution and could not be excused on
any pretext whatever, in addition to being a direct violation of
the Tenure of Office act.
I do not intend to go into the details of the various articles
proposed by the House; suffice it to say that they were mainly
based on the attempted removal of Mr. Stanton, and the appointment
of Mr. Thomas as Secretary of War.
I was very serious in concluding my speech. My words were:
"Mr. Chairman: The administration of Mr. Johnson since he became
President of the United States has been characterized by an utter
disregard of the laws and Constitution of the United States. And,
sir, I am of the opinion that there should be another article
adopted by this House, and sent to the Senate, upon which he should
be tried, the substance of which should be that Andrew Johnson,
President of the United States, is guilty of high crimes in office,
in that he violated the Constitution and laws of the United States,
by using his influence, patronage and power of said office to
hinder, delay and prevent a restoration of the States lately in
rebellion against the Governme
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