that advanced nation from the annoyance of having
set up a government fit for the Middle Ages. He rated at its correct
value the support of Napoleon, and believing it to be purely
interested, he believed in its permanence. The President had thought
of nothing in the world but votes, and he thought of them still. The
Roman Expedition secured him the services of M. de Falloux as
minister, and won over to him the entire Clerical Party, including
Montalembert and the so-called Liberal Catholics. Thus, and thus only,
was the leap from the Presidential chair to the Imperial throne made
possible. The result was flattering, but still there are reasons to
think (apart from Prince Jerome Napoleon's express statement to that
effect) that Napoleon III. hated the whole business from the bottom of
his soul, and that of his not few questionable acts, this was the only
one of which he felt lastingly ashamed. Seeing that the communications
of his ministers failed in their object, he tried the expedient of
writing a private letter to his friend Edgar Ney, couched in the
strongest terms of disapproval of the recalcitrant attitude of the
Papal Government. This letter was published as it was intended to be,
but in the Roman States, except that its circulation was forbidden, no
notice was taken of it. Though the incident may be regarded as a
stroke of facing-both-ways policy, the anger expressed was probably as
sincere as any of Napoleon's sentiments could be, and the letter had
the effect of awakening the idea in many minds that something of the
former Italian conspirator still existed in the ruler of France. The
question arose, What sort of pressure would be needed to turn that
germ to account for Italy?

In the kingdom of Naples, where the laws, to look at them on paper,
were incomparably better than those in force in the Roman States, the
administration was such as would have disgraced a remote province of
the Turkish Empire. The King's naturally suspicious temperament was
worked upon by his courtiers and priests till he came to detect in
every Liberal a personal antagonist, whose immunity from harm was
incompatible with his own, and in Liberalism a plague dangerous to
society, which must be stamped out at all costs. Over 800 Liberals
were sent to the galleys. The convictions were obtained, in a great
proportion of cases, by false testimony. Bribes and secret protection
in high quarters were the only means by which an innocent man could