ustria was always appealing to the right of treaties and the right
of nations; not, as it happened, with much reason, for she had ridden
or tried to ride rough-shod through as many treaties and through quite
as many rights as most European Powers. In 1816 she was so determined
to possess herself of Alessandria and the Upper Novarese that Lord
Castlereagh advised Piedmont to join the Austrian Confederation, as
then and only then the Emperor might withdraw his pretensions to this
large slice of territory of a Prince with whom he was at peace. If he
did withdraw them, it was not from respect for the treaties which, a
year before, had confirmed the King of Sardinia's rights as an
independent sovereign, but from respect for the untoward results to
himself which he was afraid, on reflection, might arise from enforcing
his claims with the bayonet. But people forget; and it was of vital
consequence that virtuous Austria should figure in the coming conflict
not as the victim of aggression but as the aggressor. On all sides it
was said that the Austrian Government would never commit an error of
such magnitude; only Cavour thought the contrary. 'I shall _force_ her
to declare war against us,' he told Mr Odo Russell in December 1858.
When asked by the incredulous diplomatist at what date he expected to
perform so great a feat, Cavour quietly answered: 'In the first week
of May.' War was actually declared a few days sooner.

For months Austria had been pouring troops into Italy, a large portion
of which were massed on the frontier line of the Ticino. Who shall
count the number of the men brought to fight and die in the Italian
plains between 1848 and 1866 to sustain for that short time the weight
of a condemned despotism? The supply was inexhaustible; they came from
the Hungarian steppes, from the green valleys of Styria, from the
mountains of Tyrol, from the woodlands of the Banat and of Bohemia; a
blind million battling for a chimera. They came, and how many did not
return?

Austria's final refusal to adhere to the Congress scheme meant, of
course, war, and Cavour called the Chamber and demanded a vote
conferring upon Government the power to take such prompt measures as
the situation required. 'We trust,' he said, 'that the Chamber will
not hesitate to sanction the proposal to invest the King with plenary
powers. Who could be a better guardian of our liberty? Who more worthy
of the faith of the nation? He it is whose name a ten y