truth, but are readily convinced when it
is told them by one in whose honesty they can trust.

We should, therefore, be careful how we censure the government of Rome,
and should reflect that all the great results effected by that republic,
could not have come about without good cause. And if the popular tumults
led the creation of the tribunes, they merit all praise; since these
magistrates not only gave its due influence to the popular voice in the
government, but also acted as the guardians of Roman freedom, as shall
be clearly shown in the following Chapter.

CHAPTER V.--_Whether the Guardianship of public Freedom is safer in the
hands of the Commons or of the Nobles; and whether those who seek to
acquire Power or they who seek to maintain it are the greater cause of
Commotions._

Of the provisions made by wise founders of republics, one of the
most necessary is for the creation of a guardianship of liberty; for
according as this is placed in good or bad hands, the freedom of the
State will be more or less lasting. And because in every republic we
find the two parties of nobles and commons, the question arises, to
which of these two this guardianship can most safely be entrusted. Among
the Lacedaemonians of old, as now with the Venetians, it was placed
in the hands of the nobles, but with the Romans it was vested in the
commons. We have, therefore, to determine which of these States made the
wiser choice. If we look to reasons, something is to be said on both
sides of the question; though were we to look to results, we should have
to pronounce in favour of the nobles, inasmuch as the liberty of Sparta
and Venice has had a longer life than that of Rome.

As touching reasons, it may be pleaded for the Roman method, that they
are most fit to have charge of a thing, who least desire to pervert it
to their own ends. And, doubtless, if we examine the aims which the
nobles and the commons respectively set before them, we shall find in
the former a great desire to dominate, in the latter merely a desire not
to be dominated over, and hence a greater attachment to freedom, since
they have less to gain than the others by destroying it. Wherefore, when
the commons are put forward as the defenders of liberty, they may be
expected to take better care of it, and, as they have no desire to
tamper with it themselves, to be less apt to suffer others to do so.

On the other hand, he who defends the method followed by the Spart