ans
and Venetians, may urge, that by confiding this guardianship to the
nobles, two desirable ends are served: first, that from being allowed to
retain in their own hands a weapon which makes them the stronger party
in the State, the ambition of this class is more fully satisfied; and,
second, that an authority is withdrawn from the unstable multitude which
as used by them is likely to lead to endless disputes and tumults, and
to drive the nobles into dangerous and desperate courses. In instance
whereof might be cited the case of Rome itself, wherein the tribunes of
the people being vested with this authority, not content to have one
consul a plebeian, insisted on having both; and afterwards laid claim
to the censorship, the praetorship and all the other magistracies in
the city. Nor was this enough for them, but, carried away by the same
factious spirit, they began after a time to pay court to such men as
they thought able to attack the nobility, and so gave occasion to the
rise of Marius and the overthrow of Rome.

Wherefore one who weighs both sides of the question well, might hesitate
which party he should choose as the guardian of public liberty, being
uncertain which class is more mischievous in a commonwealth, that which
would acquire what it has not, or that which would keep the authority
which it has already. But, on the whole, on a careful balance of
arguments we may sum up thus:--Either we have to deal with a republic
eager like Rome to extend its power, or with one content merely to
maintain itself; in the former case it is necessary to do in all things
as Rome did; in the latter, for the reasons and in the manner to be
shown in the following Chapter, we may imitate Venice and Sparta.

But reverting to the question which class of citizens is more
mischievous in a republic, those who seek to acquire or those who
fear to lose what they have acquired already, I note that when Marcus
Menenius and Marcus Fulvius, both of them men of plebeian birth, were
made the one dictator, the other master of the knights, that they might
inquire into certain plots against Rome contrived in Capua, they had at
the same time authority given them by the people to investigate whether,
in Rome itself, irregular and corrupt practices had been used to obtain
the consulship and other honours of the city. The nobles suspecting that
the powers thus conferred were to be turned against them, everywhere
gave out that if honours had been so