ould seek in the "unity of Christian
hearts the remedy for great evils" which it denies can be supplied by
the State and the authorities. It must be a very intoxicated religious
feeling which, according to "Prussian's" admission, finds the entire
evil to consist in the lack of Christian sentiment, and consequently
refers the authorities to the sole means of strengthening this
sentiment, to "exhortation." According to "Prussian," Christian
feeling is the object at which the Cabinet Order aims. When it is
intoxicated, when it is not sober, religious feeling regards itself as
the sole good. Where it perceives evil, it ascribes the latter to its
own absence, for if it be the only good, it alone can create good.

How then does the so-called Prussian prove that the Cabinet Order is
not the outcome of religious feeling? By describing the Cabinet Order
everywhere as an outcome of religious feeling. Is an insight into
social movements to be expected from such an illogical mind? Listen to
his prattle about the relation of German society to the Labour
movement and to social reform generally.

Let us distinguish, and this "Prussian" neglects to do, between the
various categories that are comprised within the expression "German
society": government, bourgeoisie, Press, lastly the workers
themselves. These are the various divisions with which we are here
concerned. "Prussian" lumps them all together, and appraises them in
the lump from a superior standpoint. German society, according to him,
has not yet reached the stage of foreshadowing reform.

Why does it lack this instinct?

"In an unpolitical country like Germany," answers "Prussian," "it is
impossible to regard the partial distresses of the factory districts
as a general question, let alone as a blot on the whole civilized
world. The incident has for the Germans the same significance as any
local drought or famine. Consequently, the King regards it in the
light of a defect in administration or a lack of charity."

"Prussian" therefore explains this inverted conception of labour
distress from the peculiarity of an unpolitical country.

It will be conceded that England is a political country. It will be
further conceded that England is the country of pauperism, even the
word is of English origin.

The study of English conditions is thus the surest means of becoming
acquainted with the connection of a political country with pauperism.
In England labour distress is not part