is by no means due to its lighter
taxation. It is the consequence of its territorial, commercial, and
industrial situation. The demand for workers in relation to the supply
of workers is considerably greater than in Europe. And this truth is
known already to every pupil of Adam Smith.

On the other hand, so far as the bourgeoisie is concerned, both the
incidence and the nature of the taxes, as well as the spending of the
money, are a vital question, both on account of their influence upon
commerce and industry, and because taxes are the golden cord with
which absolute monarchy is strangled.

After vouchsafing such profound explanations about the "connection of
politics with social conditions" and the "class relations" with the
State power, Mr Heinzen exclaims triumphantly: "The 'communistic
narrow-mindedness' which divides men into classes, or antagonizes them
according to their handicraft, has been avoided by me. I have left
open the 'possibility' that 'humanity' is not always determined by
'class' or the 'length of one's purse.'" Bluff common sense transforms
the class distinction into the "length of the purse" and the class
antagonism into trade quarrels. The length of the purse is a purely
quantitative distinction, which may perchance antagonize any two
individuals of the same class. That the medieval guilds confronted
each other on the basis of handicraft is well known. But it is
likewise well known that the modern class distinction is by no means
based on handicraft; rather the division of labour within the same
class produces very different methods of work.

It is very 'possible' that particular individuals are not always
influenced in their attitude by the class to which they belong, but
this has as little effect upon the class struggle as the secession of
a few nobles to the _tiers etat_ had on the French Revolution. And
then these nobles at least joined a class, the revolutionary class,
the bourgeoisie. But Mr Heinzen sees all classes melt away before the
solemn idea of 'humanity.'

If he believes that entire classes, which are based upon economic
conditions independent of their will, and are set by these conditions
in a relation of mutual antagonism, can break away from their real
relations, by virtue of the quality of 'humanity' which is inherent in
all men, how easy it should be for a prince to raise himself above his
'princedom', above his 'princely handicraft' by virtue of 'humanity'?
Why does he tak