ed semi-feudal orders and
conditions, there exist on the other hand, partly in consequence of
the industrial development and Germany's dependence on the world
market, the antagonisms between the bourgeoisie and the working class,
and the struggle arising therefrom, an instance of which are the
workers' revolts in Silesia and Bohemia. The German bourgeoisie
therefore finds itself in a relation of antagonism to the proletariat
before it has yet constituted itself politically as a class. The
struggle among the subjects has broken out before ever princes and
nobles have been got rid of, in spite of all Hambach songs.

Mr Heinzen does not know how to explain these contradictory relations,
which of course are also reflected in German literature, except by
putting them on to his opponents' conscience and interpreting them as
the consequence of the counter-revolutionary activities of the
communists.

Meanwhile the German workers are quite aware that the absolute
monarchy does not and cannot hesitate one moment to greet them with a
whiff of grapeshot in the service of the bourgeoisie. Why then should
they prefer the direct rule of the bourgeoisie to the brutal
oppression of absolute government, with its semi-feudal retinue? The
workers know that the bourgeoisie must not only make them wider
concessions than absolute monarchy, but that in the interests of its
commerce and industry, the bourgeoisie must create against its will
the conditions for the unity of the workers, and the unity of the
workers is the first requisite for their victory. The workers know
that the abolition of bourgeois property relations is not brought
about by the maintenance of feudal property relations. They know their
own revolutionary movement can only be accelerated through the
revolutionary movement of the bourgeoisie against the feudal orders
and the absolute monarchy. They know that their own struggle with the
bourgeoisie can only break out on the day the bourgeoisie triumphs. In
spite of all, they do not share Mr Heinzen's middle-class illusions.
They can and must take part in the middle-class revolution as a
condition preliminary to the Labour revolution. But they cannot for a
moment regard it as their objective.

That the attitude of the workers is as above described, of this the
English Chartists have furnished us with a brilliant example in the
recent Anti-Corn Law League movement. Not for a moment did they
believe the lies and delusions of th