t explanation, leaving my reasons and motives
to be construed or misconstrued by others, as chance might order. To
have continued so to do, until the subject of present controversy
were finally disposed of, is the part I should altogether have
chosen, had circumstances permitted to me such a course. But, if I
have been a silent, I have not been an incurious, nor, I trust, an
uninstructed, spectator of events. It is rendered apparent that
those great matters, which occupy the public mind abroad, do now
occupy also this House. If other gentlemen, differing with me in
part or in whole, had voted without discussion, according to the
dictates of their individual judgment, each of us could fairly have
stood upon his personal convictions, and his personal estimation
elsewhere, for his justification in the eyes of his countrymen. But
that, much as it were in my view to be desired, is no longer
possible. What has happened here is enrolled already in the
unchangeable records of time and of eternity. It is become history.
It cannot be recalled; it cannot be blotted from the memory; it
cannot be expunged from the annals of the country. The winged words
uttered in this House have gone forth to the world, on their mission
of good or of evil. Debate we have; debate we must have; we are
goaded into debate; it is forced upon us; and from a quarter of the
Union whence, I am frank to say, I did not look for it to come; and
forced upon us in terms of dictation, which I cannot brook; since
they leave to me no alternative of escape from debate, but in the
passive surrender of some of the dearest of our birthrights, those
of free petition, free speech, and free conscience. I say, of free
speech and free conscience, both which are involved in the
resolutions moved some time since by a gentleman from Maine, (Mr.
JARVIS.) When these resolutions shall be distinctly before the
House, it will become its members to reflect whether they have the
constitutional right to attempt, or attempting, have the power to
enforce, what those resolutions seem to contemplate, a perpetual
prohibition of debate, and even of motions, upon a large and
comprehensive class of subjects. These rights, neither my
constituents nor myself feel disposed to surrender; and upon one of
these great liberties of the land, and for the sake of incidentally
vindicating the others, I shall, in due time, address the House at
length.

My only object at this time, is to come to a fair