nfident things said in denial of the
constitutional powers of Congress in this matter, there has not
been, so far as I remember, any systematic argument on the perfectly
distinct branches of the double constitutional question involved in
it, namely, the slave property, and the slave traffic, of this
District. And what shall be said of our constitutional power in the
purchased Territories, under the jurisdiction of the United States,
to which some of these petitions apply? And what clause of the
Constitution restricts the right of Petition to constitutional
things? This House cannot grant beyond its powers; these are limited
by the Constitution; but the People may petition for any thing; for
the right of petition is, by the constitution, secured forever
against any and every limitation or restriction.

But then it is said that the subject-matter of the Petition does not
admit of debate; that the deliberate consideration of it, and the
decision of it in the ordinary course of business, would be fraught
with disastrous consequences to the peace of the South, and the
general tranquillity of the Union. Deeming this argument of more
weight than the other, I will give to it more careful attention;
especially as, on this point, gentlemen have appealed with great
force of language to the patriotic consideration of the North.

In the first place, I aver that I, and those with whom I have acted
or voted, did not seek debate on this subject. We felt anxious,
almost universally, to avoid it. The members from Massachusetts, at
least, have not invited, and, until it had been under discussion
among other gentlemen for a whole month, they scarcely participated
in, the agitation of the subject in this House. We sat here week
after Week, submitting, for the sake of public peace, to hear in
silence the harshest reflections upon our constituents; and
listening, with surprised curiosity, to the strangest legal and
political heresies, uttered as confidently as if they were gospel
truths communicated by divine inspiration. One of my colleagues (Mr.
ADAMS) did, indeed, beseech gentlemen not to provoke him to a
discussion of the subject; and thus it went on, untouched by us,
until another of my colleagues (Mr. HOAR) could no longer abstain
from the temperate defence of the Constitution and of his
fellow-citizens.

In the second place, I do devoutly believe that gentlemen misjudge,
if they suppose that agitation out of doors is to be arrested