ink proper to admit, cannot be
prohibited by Congress prior to the year 1808."

"Secondly, That Congress have no power to interfere in the
emancipation of slaves, or in the treatment of them, within any of
the States: it remaining with the several States alone to provide
any regulation therein which humanity and true policy may require."

"Thirdly, That Congress have authority to restrain the citizens of
the United States from carrying on the African slave trade, for the
purpose of supplying foreigners with slaves, and of providing, by
proper regulations for the humane treatment, during their passage,
of slaves imported by the said citizens into the States admitting
such importations."

"Fourthly, That Congress have also authority to prohibit foreigners
from fitting out vessels in any part of the United States for
transporting persons from Africa to any foreign port."

Now, I entreat the House to call to mind the effect of these
proceedings. There was no insurrection, no servile war, no agitation
in the South. Congress calmly and considerately examined the whole
broad question, not of the slave trade only, but also of the slave
interest. It decided how far it could go, and how far it would go.
Its decision went forth to the world, and settled the questions
involved in it, as it were, forever. Nearly fifty years have since
elapsed, and I am not aware that the points then adjudged have at
any time since been drawn into debate or controversy. And I do
declare my solemn conviction, that if the House would now pursue the
same course, and dispassionately determine what it can or cannot do,
and make that determination known to the country in a respectful
way, the result would be precisely the same in this vexed question
of the District of Columbia.

Entertaining these opinions of the course to be pursued, I beg of
gentlemen to look at the question, as I have done, in a calm review
of facts and of principles. They deprecate all agitation unfriendly
to the peace and reciprocal good-will of the different sections of
the country. So do I, most heartily; and in my own humble sphere I
have earnestly exerted myself to this end. And I do, unwillingly but
decidedly, avow my conviction, derived from abundant personal
observation, that it is not by the summary suppression of petitions,
it is not by _Lynching_ this or any other petition, that
tranquillity is to be restored, and harmony assured, either in the
South or the North. And