rawal of Robertson's name under threats from Conkling and
persuasion from James. Second, if this fail, then to make their
indignation useful by extorting from the President, as a means of
placating them, the surveyorship and naval office. With these two they
think they could largely neutralise Robertson. Cornell is believed
willing to acquiesce in Robertson, hoping to get other offices.

"I wish to say to the President in my judgment this is the turning
point of his whole administration--the crisis of his fate. If he
surrenders now Conkling is president for the rest of the term and
Garfield becomes a laughing stock. On the other hand, he has only to
stand firm to succeed. With the unanimous action of the New York
Legislature, Conkling cannot make an effectual fight. That action came
solely from the belief that Garfield, unlike Hayes, meant to defend
his own administration. The Assembly is overwhelmingly Conkling, but
they did not dare go on the record against Robertson so long as they
thought the Administration meant business. Robertson should be held
firm. Boldness and tenacity now insure victory. The least wavering
would be fatal."[1752]

[Footnote 1752: For full text of telegram see New York _Tribune_,
January 7, 1882. This confidential despatch found its way into the
public press. "It must have been stolen from the wires," wrote Hay.
"Nobody but myself has ever seen it--not even Garfield. I read it to
him. It has been under lock and key ever since."--Mrs. James G.
Blaine, _Letters_, Vol. 1, p. 286.]

When Hay read this message to Garfield, the latter said, "They may
take him out of the Senate head first or feet first; I will never
withdraw him."[1753] That the President might not weaken, Depew and
other Independents spent much time in Washington during the
controversy. "The party standing of Blaine's New York supporters at
Chicago absolutely depended upon Robertson's confirmation," declared
Depew.[1754]

[Footnote 1753: _Ibid._]

[Footnote 1754: Conversation with the author, March 28, 1909.]

Conkling had not been idle. As usual he cast an anchor to the windward
by coquetting with Democratic senators and soothing his Republican
colleagues.[1755] He knew how to control in caucus as well as in
committee, and on May 2, the Republican senators appointed a Committee
of Safety, which recommended that a majority decide the order of
executive business including "uncontested nominations." These
nominations, it was ex