were
anticipated, did not appear.[1757] No doubt many senators sincerely
regretted the manner of Conkling's going, but that all were weary of
his restless predominance soon became an open secret.[1758] Nor did his
reasons appeal to any one except as regarded his own personality and
power, since the Senator's statement showed a deliberate, personal
choice, not based on a question of public policy.

[Footnote 1757: "The sensational resignations of Conkling and Platt
produce no excitement here (Washington), and I have yet to hear one
criticism complimentary of Conkling, though I have seen all sorts of
people and of every shade of cowardice."--Mrs. James G. Blaine,
_Letters_ (May 17, 1881), Vol. 1, p. 199.

Robertson and Merritt were promptly and unanimously confirmed on May
18. Two days afterward the names of the five Stalwarts, which had been
withdrawn, were resubmitted, except those of Payn and Tyler.]

[Footnote 1758: "Conkling was unrelenting in his enmities. He used to
get angry with men simply because they voted against him on questions
in which he took an interest. Once he did not for months speak to
Justin S. Morrill, one of the wisest and kindliest of men, because of
his pique at one of Merrill's votes."--George F. Hoar, _Autobiography_,
Vol. 2, p. 55.]

Stripped of its rhetoric and historicity the letter of Conkling and
Platt presented but two causes of complaint, one that the President,
in withdrawing some of the New York nominations, tried to coerce the
Senate to vote for Robertson; second, that Robertson, in voting and
procuring others to vote against Grant at Chicago, was guilty of "a
dishonest and dishonourable act."[1759] The poverty of these reasons
excited more surprise than the folly of their resignation.[1760] Every
one knew that in urging senators to say by their vote whether William
H. Robertson was a fit person to be collector, the President kept
strictly within his constitutional prerogative, and that in
withdrawing the earlier nominations he exercised his undoubted right
to determine the order in which he should ask the Senate's advice.
Moreover, if any doubt ever existed as to Robertson's right to
represent the sentiment of his district instead of the decree of the
State convention, the national convention had settled it in his
favour.

[Footnote 1759: The full text of the letter is published in the New
York papers of May 17, 1881.]

[Footnote 1760: "I was very much surprised at Senator C