estiny they instinctively turned to the
defeated faction. William M. Dennison, a former governor of Ohio,
promptly made their wishes known, confidently counting upon Conkling's
cooeperation, since the Senator had been the first on his feet to make
Garfield's nomination unanimous. In doing so he expressed the hope
that the zeal and fervour of the convention would characterise its
members "in bearing the banner and carrying the lances of the
Republican party into the ranks of the enemy."

Conkling's treatment of Dennison's request has been variously
reported. One version is that he demanded the nomination of Chester A.
Arthur; another, that he sternly refused to make any suggestion.
Contemporary press reports confirm the first, basing it upon his
desire to vindicate Arthur and humiliate Sherman; the second is
supported by Alfred R. Conkling's biography of his uncle.[1697] But
neither report is correct. Conkling bitterly resented Garfield's
nomination, predicted his defeat at the polls, and did not hesitate to
dissuade friends from accepting the nomination for Vice-President.
"The convention has nominated a candidate, but not a President," he
said to Stewart L. Woodford. "Since the nomination I have heard from
an influential friend at Albany, who declares that Garfield cannot
carry New York. Now, the question is, whom shall we place upon the
altar as a vicarious sacrifice? Mr. Morton has declined. Perhaps you
would like the nomination for Vice-President?" Being assured that
Woodford would accept it if tendered to him, Conkling added: "I hope
no sincere friend of mine will accept it."[1698]

[Footnote 1697: "It has been asserted that this nomination was a boon to
Roscoe Conkling to secure his support of Garfield. To deny this is almost
supererogatory. He sternly refused to make any suggestion."--Conkling,
_Life of Conkling_, p. 607-608.]

[Footnote 1698: Woodford's interview with the writer, October 4, 1908.]

In the event of Grant's nomination Levi P. Morton had been prominently
mentioned as a proper candidate for Vice-President. He was then
fifty-six years of age, and had achieved high reputation in banking
and financial circles. Though not eloquent according to the canons of
oratory, he spoke with clearness, was widely intelligent, and had
given careful attention to public questions. Conservative in his
nature and sturdy in his principles, he always advised against
rashness and counselled firmness. A single session i