t always by mere intelligence, not always by convictions, or by
representative men, but by the forms of power which federal patriots
assume." He did "not believe any eminent Republican, however high his
ambition, however sore his discontent, hoped to carry the Republican
party of the United States against Rutherford B. Hayes. Aye, sir, no
such Republican, unless intoxicated with the flattery of parasites, or
blinded by his own ambition." He spoke of Conkling's interest in
public affairs as beginning contemporaneously with his own, of their
work side by side in 1867, and of their sustaining a Republican
President without agreement in the details of his policy, and he
closed with the prayer that they might yet see the Republican party
fulfilling the hope of true men everywhere, who look to it for
honesty, for reform, and for pacification.[1576]

[Footnote 1575: See Chapter XII., p. 166.]

[Footnote 1576: New York _Tribune_, September 27, 1877.]

Conkling had been waiting for Curtis as the American fleet waited for
the Spanish at Santiago. Curtis had adorned the centre of opposition
until he seemed most to desire what would most disappoint Conkling.
For months prior to the Cincinnati convention _Harper's Weekly_
bristled with reasons that in its opinion unfitted the Senator for
President, and advertised to the country the desire at least of a
large minority of the party in New York to be rid of him. With
consummate skill he unfolded Conkling's record, and emphasised his
defence of the questionable acts that led to a deep distrust of
Republican tendencies. To him the question was not whether a National
convention could be persuaded to adopt the Senator as its candidate,
but whether, "being one of the leaders that had imperilled the party,
it was the true policy for those who patriotically desired Republican
success." Furthermore, Curtis had a habit of asking questions. "With
what great measure of statesmanship is his name conspicuously
identified?"[1577] and, as if this admitted of no reply, he followed it
with more specific inquiries demanding to know "why the Senator had
led a successful opposition to Judge Hoar for the Supreme Bench," and
become "the ardent supporter of Caleb Cushing for chief justice, and
of Alexander Shepherd for commissioner of the District of Columbia?"
These interrogatories seemed to separate him from statesmen of high
degree and to place him among associates for whom upright citizens
should have