l, however, if the genius of a Weed could have induced
the disorganised forces, representing the four candidates, to put up a
single opponent to Cornell. Such a course, in the opinion of the
leaders, would release delegates to the latter without compensating
advantage. It was decided, therefore, to hold the field intact with
the hope of preventing a nomination on the first ballot, and to let
the result determine the next step. In their endeavour to accomplish
this they stoutly maintained that Cornell, inheriting the unpopularity
of the machine, could not carry the State. To win New York and thus
have its position defined for 1880 was the one great desire of
Republicans, and the visible effect of the fusionists' attack,
concededly made with great tact and cleverness, if without much effort
at organisation, turned Conkling's confidence into doubt. Then he put
on more pressure. In the preceding winter Pomeroy's vote and speech
in the State Senate had saved John F. Smyth from deserved impeachment,
and he now counted confidently upon the Commissioner's promised
support of his candidacy. But Conkling demanded it for Cornell, and
Smyth left Pomeroy to care for himself.

It is seldom that a roll-call ever proceeded under such tension.
Nominating speeches were abandoned, cheers for the platform faded into
an ominous silence, and every response sounded like the night-step of
a watchful sentinel. Only when some conspicuous leader voted was the
stillness broken. A score of men were keeping count, and halfway down
the roll the fusionists tied their opponents. When, at last, the call
closed with nine majority for Cornell, the result, save a spasm of
throat-splitting yells, was received with little enthusiasm.[1646] On
the motion to make the nomination unanimous George William Curtis
voted "No" distinctly.[1647]

[Footnote 1646: Whole number of votes cast, 450. Necessary to a choice,
226. Cornell received 234; Robertson, 106; Starin, 40; Pomeroy, 35;
Hiscock, 34; Sloan, 1.]

[Footnote 1647: _Harper's Weekly_, October 25, 1879.]

It was a Conkling victory. For three days delegates had crowded the
Senator's headquarters, while in an inner room he strengthened the
weak, won the doubtful, and directed his forces with remarkable skill.
He asked no quarter, and after his triumph every candidate selected
for a State office was an avowed friend of Cornell. "It would have
been poor policy," said one of the Senator's lieutenants, "to
apolo