y a movement no less
disappointing to a large element of the Democratic party.[1588] In
their zeal to punish crime Secretary of State Bigelow and
Attorney-General Fairchild had made themselves excessively obnoxious
to the predatory statesmen of the canal ring, who now proposed to
destroy the Tilden regime. Back of them stood John Kelly, eager to
become the master, and determined to accomplish what he had failed to
do at St. Louis.

[Footnote 1588: The Democratic State convention met at Albany on
October 3, 1877.]

As if indifferent to the contest Bigelow had remained in Europe with
Tilden, and Fairchild, weary of the nervous strain of office-holding,
refused to make an open canvass for the extension of his official
life. Nevertheless, the friends of reform understood the importance of
renominating the old ticket. It had stood for the interest of the
people. Whatever doubt might have clouded the public mind as to
Tilden's sincerity as an ardent, unselfish reformer, Republicans as
well as Democrats knew that Bigelow and Fairchild represented an
uncompromising hostility to public plunderers, and that their work, if
then discontinued, must be shorn of much of its utility. Their friends
understood, also, the importance of controlling the temporary
organisation of the convention, otherwise all would be lost.

The result of the Presidential struggle had seriously weakened Tilden.
In the larger field of action he had displayed a timid, vacillating
character, and the boldest leaders of his party felt that in the final
test as a candidate he lost because he hesitated. Besides, the
immediate prospect of power had disappeared. Although Democrats talked
of "the great Presidential crime," and seemed to have their eyes and
minds fastened on offices and other evidences of victory, they
realised deep in their hearts that Hayes was President for four years,
and that new conditions and new men might be existent in 1880.
Moreover, many Democratic leaders who could not be classed as selfish,
felt that Tilden, in securing the advantageous position of a reformer,
had misrepresented the real Democratic spirit and purpose in the
State. They deeply resented his course in calling about him, to the
exclusion of recognised and experienced party advisers, men whom he
could influence, who owed their distinction to his favour, and who
were consequently devoted to his fortunes. Upon some of these he
relied to secure Republican sympathy, while he de