money into my district to
carry it against me.... Had we been sufficiently aroused and sagacious
we could have defeated this manoeuvre, but we found out too late. We
sent the tickets to the polls, in the ward in which I live, at
daylight, as did the Democrats. Not one of our tickets was found at
the polls. They were all thrown into the canal." Interview with
Conkling.--New York _Herald_, November 9, 1877.]

[Footnote 1603: The Legislature of 1878 had in the Senate: 18
Republicans, 13 Democrats, 1 Independent; in the Assembly: 66
Republicans, 61 Democrats, 1 Independent.]

[Footnote 1604: Tammany elected its entire county ticket. Its majority
for the State ticket was 30,520.]

[Footnote 1605: New York _Times_, May 2, 1878.]

CHAPTER XXX

GREENBACKERS SERVE REPUBLICANS

1878

While Democrats rejoiced over their victory in 1877, a new
combination, the elements of which had attracted little or no
attention, was destined to cause serious disturbance. Greenbackism had
not invaded New York in 1874-5, when it flourished so luxuriantly in
Ohio, Indiana, and other Western States. Even after the party had
nominated Peter Cooper for President in 1876, it polled in the Empire
State less than 1,500 votes for its candidate for governor, and in
1877, having put Francis E. Spinner, the well-known treasurer of the
United States, at the head of its ticket, its vote fell off to less
than 1,000.

Meantime the labour organisations, discontented because of long
industrial inaction, had formed a Labour Reform party. This
organisation gradually increased its strength, until, in 1877, it
polled over 20,000 votes. Encouraged by success its leaders held a
convention at Toledo, Ohio, on February 22 (1878), and resolved to
continue the Cooper movement. It resented the resumption of specie
payment, favoured absolute paper money, and demanded payment of the
public debt in greenbacks. On May 10 the executive council, calling
themselves Nationalists, coalesced with the Greenbackers, and issued a
call for a National Greenback Labour Reform convention to assemble at
Syracuse on July 25. This sudden extension of the movement attracted
widespread attention, and although the convention was marked by great
turbulence and guided by inconspicuous leaders, it seemed as if by
magic to take possession of a popular issue which gathered about its
standard thousands of earnest men. Gideon J. Tucker, a former
Democratic secretary of state, who had