all due allowance for the honorable exceptions, this is
substantially the phase of pro-slavery infidelity to the Union.
Were further argument needed to establish this position, it is found in
the fact that the seeds of rebellion are wanting in proportion to the
absence of slavery. There is no reason to believe that Kentucky or
Maryland, without slavery, would have been less loyal than Ohio. In
Eastern Kentucky, Western Virginia, Eastern Tennessee, Western
North-Carolina, a small portion of Georgia, and Northern Alabama, the
Union cause finds a friend's country. These sections, in the main,
contain a population dependent upon its own labor for subsistence.
Schooled by diligent industry to habits of perseverance, and learning
independence and manhood by relying on itself, it has preserved its
patriotism and attachment to the Government under which it was born. It
saw no cause of complaint, imaginary or real. Six or seven per cent of
slave population has not proved sufficient as a slave interest, to
prostrate or corrupt its national fidelity, nor to undermine its
national pride. It still retains its representation in Congress against
the influences of surrounding treason. There is a cheering satisfaction
in the belief that this plateau of civil liberty and freedom, even
unassisted, could not have been permanently held in subjection by the
myrmidons of rebellion. The secessionists themselves bestow a high
compliment to the patriotism of this people, when they complain of its
'idolatrous attachment to the old Government.'
The time has come when the American people, from necessity, must analyze
to their root the whole aptitudes and incidents of slavery. They are now
obliged to deal with it, unbridled by the check-rein of its apologists.
Under the best behavior of slaveholders, the institution could not rise
above the point of bare toleration. There is so much inherent in the
system that will not bear analysis, so much of collateral mischief, so
much tending to overturn and discourage the principles of justice that
ought to be interwoven into the relationships of society, that it is
impossible for the ingenuous mind to advocate slavery _per se_. It is
not, however, to the bare dominion itself, that the objection is
exclusively raised up. It is the inevitable result of that dominion, in
connection with the worst cultivated passions of human nature, that the
exception is more broadly taken. The dominion of the master over the
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