rd and that unruly member of the flock who _would_ dash a
little too impetuously ahead of his fellows. The proclamation of
President Lincoln contains but cold comfort for the pro-slavery
democracy, although they affect to rejoice over it. In vain may they
declare, as they did of the celebrated 'remunerating message,' that it
is very palatable, and vow that it 'creates fresh hope and gives a new
and needed assurance to the conservative men of the nation.' The sour
faces of their pro-slavery, Southern-adoring, English-ruled, traitorous
friends is an effectual answer to their hypocrisy. We have not forgotten
how warmly the Democratic press indorsed the message of January 6th, or
how the Democratic multitude kicked against it in public meetings.

Let the Democratic tories of the day who find this message so
consolatory, duly weigh the following extract from it:

'I further make known that whether it be competent for me as
Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy to declare the slaves of
any State or States free, and whether at any time or in any case it
shall have become a necessity indispensable to the maintenance of
the Government to exercise such supposed power, are questions which
under my responsibility I reserve to myself, and which I can not
feel justified in leaving to the decisions of commanders in the
field. These are totally different questions from those of police
regulations in armies and camps. On the sixth day of March last, by
a special message, I recommended to Congress the adoption of a
joint resolution to be substantially as follows:

"_Resolved_, That the United States ought to co-operate with, any
State which may adopt a gradual abolishment of slavery, giving to
such State pecuniary aid, to be used by such State in its
discretion, to compensate for the inconveniences, public and
private, produced by such change of system.'

'The resolution, in the language above quoted, was adopted by large
majorities in both branches of Congress, and now stands an
authentic, definite, and solemn proposal of the Nation to the
States and people moat immediately interested in the
subject-matter. To the people of those States, I now earnestly
appeal. I do not argue, I beseech you to make the arguments for
yourselves. _You can not, if you would, be blind to the signs of
the times._ I beg of you a calm an