y to conclude _with him_
such treaty. The preamble, agreed to, and, as there is reason to
conclude, framed in England, is so expressed as to render it very
doubtful whether our treaty does not take place the moment France and
England have agreed on the terms of their treaty, though France should
refuse to sign till her allies were satisfied. This construction is
strongly supported in the House of Commons by the administration.

The separate article is in itself an object of no moment; the
territory it cedes is of little importance, and if, as our Ministers
assert, it made a part of West Florida previous to the war, it will,
on the peace, be annexed to the nation that shall retain that Colony;
but it is extremely well calculated to sow the seeds of distrust and
jealousy between the United Stales and their allies. It demonstrates a
marked preference for the English over the present possessors, and
seems to invite Britain to reconquer it. Though this may promote our
particular interest, it never can consist with our honor to prefer an
open enemy to a nation engaged in the same cause with us, and closely
connected to our ally. This article would, in my opinion, if avowed by
the United States, fully justify Spain in making a separate peace
without the least regard to our interest.

But this, Sir, is an inconsiderable evil, compared with those which
may result from its having been concealed from the Court of
Versailles. Mr Laurens informs Congress (and that too from letters of
a late date from London,) "that the people of England still retain the
idea of _our late Colonies_ and of _reconciliation_; _that Government
gives every possible encouragement to this humor_; that it has been
their incessant endeavor to detach us from our ally, and that it is
given out in London, that, _by signing the late preliminaries, they
have out-manoeuvred the Court of France_; that every engine had been
set at work; that every degree of craft, under the mask of returning
affection, will be practised for creating jealousies between the
States and their good and great ally." Mr Adams's letters of November,
speak the same language. If, Sir, we suppose these gentlemen to have
been well informed, how much reason have we to apprehend that this
secret article will prove in the hands of Britain a most dangerous
engine. They may reveal to the Court of France the jealousies our
Ministers entertain, the confidence they repose in them, with such
falsehoods