dopting emancipation in those parts of the State to
which the proclamation does not apply. And while she is at it, I think it
would not be objectionable for her to adopt some practical system by which
the two races could gradually live themselves out of their old relation to
each other, and both come out better prepared for the new. Education
for young blacks should be included in the plan. After all, the power or
element of "contract" may be sufficient for this probationary period, and
by its simplicity and flexibility may be the better.

As an antislavery man, I have a motive to desire emancipation which
proslavery men do not have but even they have strong enough reason to
thus place themselves again under the shield of the Union, and to thus
perpetually hedge against the recurrence of the scenes through which we
are now passing.

Governor Shepley has informed me that Mr. Durant is now taking a registry,
with a view to the election of a constitutional convention in Louisiana.
This, to me, appears proper. If such convention were to ask my views, I
could present little else than what I now say to you. I think the thing
should be pushed forward, so that, if possible, its mature work may reach
here by the meeting of Congress.

For my own part, I think I shall not, in any event, retract the
emancipation proclamation: nor, as executive, ever return to slavery any
person who is free by the terms of that proclamation, or by any of the
acts of Congress.

If Louisiana shall send members to Congress, their admission to seats
will depend, as you know, upon the respective Houses, and not upon the
President.

Yours very truly,

A. LINCOLN.

TO GOVERNOR SEYMOUR.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, August 7, 1863.

HIS EXCELLENCY HORATIO SEYMOUR, Governor of New York:

Your communication of the 3rd instant has been received and attentively
considered.

I cannot consent to suspend the draft in New York, as you request,
because, among other reasons, time is too important.

By the figures you send, which I presume are correct, the twelve districts
represented fall into two classes of eight and four respectively. The
disparity of the quotas for the draft in these two classes is certainly
very striking, being the difference between an average of 2200 in one
class and 4864 in the other. Assuming that the districts are equal one to
another in entire population, as required by the plan on which they were
made, this dispar