d allow themselves to be trodden down by minority? Why did they
not hold popular meetings and have a convention of their own to express
and enforce the true sentiment of the State? If preorganization was
against them then, why not do this now that the United States army is
present to protect them? The paralysis--the dead palsy--of the government
in this whole struggle is that this class of men will do nothing for the
government, nothing for themselves, except demanding that the government
shall not strike its open enemies, lest they be struck by accident!

Mr. Durant complains that in various ways the relation of master and slave
is disturbed by the presence of our army, and he considers it particularly
vexatious that this, in part, is done under cover of an act of Congress,
while constitutional guaranties are suspended on the plea of military
necessity. The truth is, that what is done and omitted about slaves
is done and omitted on the same military necessity. It is a military
necessity to have men and money; and we can get neither in sufficient
numbers or amounts if we keep from or drive from our lines slaves coming
to them. Mr. Durant cannot be ignorant of the pressure in this direction,
nor of my efforts to hold it within bounds till he and such as he shall
have time to help themselves.

I am not posted to speak understandingly on all the police regulations
of which Mr. Durant complains. If experience shows any one of them to be
wrong, let them be set right. I think I can perceive in the freedom
of trade which Mr. Durant urges that he would relieve both friends and
enemies from the pressure of the blockade. By this he would serve the
enemy more effectively than the enemy is able to serve himself. I do not
say or believe that to serve the enemy is the purpose, of Mr. Durant,
or that he is conscious of any purpose other than national and patriotic
ones. Still, if there were a class of men who, having no choice of sides
in the contest, were anxious only to have quiet and comfort for themselves
while it rages, and to fall in with the victorious side at the end of it
without loss to themselves, their advice as to the mode of conducting
the contest would be precisely such as his is. He speaks of no
duty--apparently thinks of none--resting upon Union men. He even thinks it
injurious to the Union cause that they should be restrained in trade and
passage without taking sides. They are to touch neither a sail nor a pump,
but