l of abominations." It originated in the
agitation of the woollen manufacturers which had started the year before,
and for this bill Mr. Webster spoke and voted. He changed his ground on
this important question absolutely and entirely, and made no pretence of
doing anything else. The speech which he made on this occasion is a
celebrated one, but it is so solely on account of the startling change of
position which it announced. Mr. Webster has been attacked and defended for
his action at this time with great zeal, and all the constitutional and
economic arguments for and against protection are continually brought
forward in this connection. From the tone of the discussion, it is to be
feared that many of those who are interested in the question have not
taken the trouble to read what he said. The speech of 1828 is by no means
equal in any way to its predecessors in the same field. It is brief and
simple to the last degree. It has not a shred of constitutional argument,
nor does it enter at all into a discussion of general principles. It makes
but one point, and treats that point with great force as the only one to be
made under the circumstances, and thereby presents the single and
sufficient reason for its author's vote. A few lines from the speech give
the marrow of the whole matter. Mr. Webster said:--

"New England, sir, has not been a leader in this policy. On the
contrary, she held back herself and tried to hold others back from
it, from the adoption of the Constitution to 1824. Up to 1824 she
was accused of sinister and selfish designs, _because she
discountenanced the progress of this policy_.... Under this angry
denunciation against her the act of 1824 passed. Now the imputation
is of a precisely opposite character.... Both charges, sir, are
equally without the slightest foundation. The opinion of New
England up to 1824 was founded in the conviction that, on the
whole, it was wisest and best, both for herself and others, that
manufactures should make haste slowly.... When, at the commencement
of the late war, duties were doubled, we were told that we should
find a mitigation of the weight of taxation in the new aid and
succor which would be thus afforded to our own manufacturing labor.
Like arguments were urged, and prevailed, but not by the aid of New
England votes, when the tariff was afterwards arranged at the
close of the war