ust not forget to add that although Green's opinions were by no
means orthodox, the influence he exerted while he remained a college
tutor was in large measure a religious influence. As the clergyman
used to be in the English Universities less of a clergyman than he was
anywhere else, so conversely it caused no surprise there that a lay
teacher should concern himself with the religious life of his pupils.
Green, however, did more, for he on two occasions at least delivered
to his pupils, before the celebration of the communion in the college
chapel, addresses which were afterwards privately printed, and which
present his view of the relations of ethics and religion in a way
impressive even to those who may find it hard to follow the
philosophical argument.
Metaphysicians are generally as little interested in practical
politics as poets are, and not better suited for political life. Green
was a remarkable exception. Politics were in a certain sense the
strongest of his interests. To him metaphysics were not only the basis
of theology, but also the basis of politics. Everything was to
converge on the free life of the individual in a free State; rational
faith and reason inspired by emotion were to have their perfect work
in making the good citizen.
His interest in politics was perhaps less active in later years than
it had been in his youth, but his principles stood unchanged. He was a
thoroughgoing Liberal, or what used to be called a Radical, full of
faith in the people, an advocate of pretty nearly every measure that
tended to democratise English institutions, a friend of peace and of
non-intervention. In our days he would have been called a Little
Englander, for though his ideal of national life was lofty, the
wellbeing of the masses was to him a more essential part of that ideal
than any extension of territory or power. He once said that he would
rather see the flag of England trailed in the dirt than add sixpence
to the taxes that weigh upon the poor. In foreign politics Louis
Napoleon, as the corrupter of France and the disturber of Europe, was
his favourite aversion; in home politics, Lord Palmerston, as the
chief obstacle to parliamentary reform. The statesman whom he most
admired and trusted was Mr. Bright. A strong sense of civic duty led
him to enter the City Council of Oxford, although he could ill spare
from his study and his lecture-room the time which the discharge of
municipal duties required. He was
|