he belongs
demands of each of its pupils. In the higher schools, in the faculties
of law, medicine, science and literature, the students pay entrance and
examination fees and for diplomas, so that the day comes when superior
instruction provides for its expenditures out of its receipts and even
shows on its budget a net surplus of profit. The new University, with
its expenses thus defrayed, will support itself alone; accordingly, all
that the State really grants to it, as a veritable gift, in ready cash,
is 400,000 francs annual income on the public ledger, a little less than
the donation of one single college, Louis-le-Grand, in 1789.[31134]
It may even be said that it is exactly the fortune of the old college
which, after being made use of in many ways, turned aside and with other
mischance, becomes the patrimony of the new University.[31135] From
high-school to University, the State has effected the transfer. Such is
its generosity. This is especially apparent in connection with primary
instruction; in 1812, for the first time, it allows 25,000 francs for
this purpose, of which only 4,500 are received.[31136]
Such is the final liquidation of the great collective fortunes. A
settlement of accounts, an express or tacit bargain, intervenes between
the State and all institutions for instruction, worship and charity. It
has taken from the poor, from the young and from believers, 5 milliards
of capital and 270 millions of revenue;[31137] it gives back to them, in
public income and treasury interest, about 17 millions per annum. As it
has the might and makes the law it has no difficulty in obtaining or in
giving itself its own discharge; it is a bankrupt who, having spent his
creditors money, bestows on these 6%. of their claim by way of alms.
Naturally, it takes the opportunity to bring them under its strict and
permanent dependence, in adding other claims to those with which the
old monarchy had already burdened the corporations that administered
collective fortunes. Napoleon increases the weight of these chains and
screws them tighter. Not only does he take it upon himself to impose
order, probity, and economy on the administrators, but, again, he
appoints them, dismisses them, and prescribes or authorizes each of
their acts. He puts words in their mouths; he wants to be the great
bishop, the universal genius, the sole tutor and professor, in short,
the dictator of opinion, the creator and director of every political,
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