n, gigantic mass meetings, and widespread social unrest, marched
their followers to the polls with results positively pitiful. A dozen
votes out of thousands have in more cases than one marked their relative
power. There is no other example in the world of such faith, courage,
and persistence in politics as that of the socialists, who, despite
defeat after defeat, humiliation after humiliation, have never lost
hope, but on every occasion, in every part of the modern world, have
gone up again and again to be knocked down by that jury.

And let it be said to their credit that never once anywhere have the
socialists despaired of democracy. "_Socialism and democracy ... belong
to each other, round out each other, and can never stand in
contradiction to each other. Socialism without democracy is
pseudo-socialism, just as democracy without socialism is
pseudo-democracy. The democratic state is the only possible form of a
socialised society._"[9] The inseparableness of democracy and socialism
has served the organized movement as an unerring guide at every moment
of its struggle for existence and of its fight against the ruling
powers. It has served to keep its soul free from that cynical distrust
of the people which is evident in the writings of the anarchists and of
the syndicalists--in Bakounin, Nechayeff, Sorel, Berth, and Pouget. It
has also served to keep it from those emotional reactions which have led
nearly every great leader of the direct-actionists in the last century
to become in the end an apostate. Feargus O'Connor, Joseph Rayner
Stephens, the fierce leaders of Chartism; Bakounin, Blanc, Richard,
Jaclard, Andrieux, Bastelica, the flaming revolutionists of the
Alliance; Briand, Sorel, Berth, the leading propagandists and
philosophers of modern syndicalism; every one of them turned in despair
from the movement. Cobden, Bonaparte, Clemenceau, the Empire, the "new
monarchy," or a comfortable berth, claimed in the end every one of these
impatient middle-class intellectuals, who never had any real
understanding of the actual labor movement. And, if the union of
democracy and socialism has saved the movement from reactions such as
these, it has also saved it from the desperation that gives birth to
individual methods, such as the Propaganda of the Deed and sabotage.
That is what the inseparableness of democracy and socialism has done for
the movement in the past; and it has in it an even greater service yet
to perform. I