bestow which I would
appreciate.

I asked: "What did you say?"

Morley replied: "I do not think so."

I said: "You are quite right, except that if His Majesty would write
me a note expressing his satisfaction with what I had done, as he has
to you, this would be deeply appreciated and handed down to my
descendants as something they would all be proud of."

This was done. The King's autograph note I have already transcribed
elsewhere in these pages.

That Skibo has proved the best of all health resorts for Morley is
indeed fortunate, for he comes to us several times each summer and is
one of the family, Lady Morley accompanying him. He is as fond of the
yacht as I am myself, and, fortunately again, it is the best medicine
for both of us. Morley is, and must always remain, "Honest John." No
prevarication with him, no nonsense, firm as a rock upon all questions
and in all emergencies; yet always looking around, fore and aft, right
and left, with a big heart not often revealed in all its tenderness,
but at rare intervals and upon fit occasion leaving no doubt of its
presence and power. And after that silence.

[Illustration: MR. CARNEGIE WITH VISCOUNT MORLEY]

[Illustration: THE CARNEGIE FAMILY AT SKIBO]

Chamberlain and Morley were fast friends as advanced radicals, and I
often met and conferred with them when in Britain. When the Home Rule
issue was raised, much interest was aroused in Britain over our
American Federal system. I was appealed to freely and delivered
public addresses in several cities, explaining and extolling our
union, many in one, the freest government of the parts producing the
strongest government of the whole. I sent Mr. Chamberlain Miss Anna L.
Dawes's "How We Are Governed," at his request for information, and had
conversations with Morley, Gladstone, and many others upon the
subject.

I had to write Mr. Morley that I did not approve of the first Home
Rule Bill for reasons which I gave. When I met Mr. Gladstone he
expressed his regret at this and a full talk ensued. I objected to the
exclusion of the Irish members from Parliament as being a practical
separation. I said we should never have allowed the Southern States to
cease sending representatives to Washington.

"What would you have done if they refused?" he asked.

"Employed all the resources of civilization--first, stopped the
mails," I replied.

He paused and repeated:

"Stop the mails." He felt the paralysis this involved and