g on the floor to
address the House and try to quiet it. In vain it was explained that
the President had received from Spain the guarantee of self-government
for Cuba. Alas! it was too late, too late!

"What is Spain doing over here, anyhow?" was the imperious inquiry of
Congress. A sufficient number of Republicans had agreed to vote with
the Democrats in Congress for war. A whirlwind of passion swept over
the House, intensified, no doubt, by the unfortunate explosion of the
warship Maine in Havana Harbor, supposed by some to be Spanish work.
The supposition gave Spain far too much credit for skill and activity.

War was declared--the Senate being shocked by Senator Proctor's
statement of the concentration camps he had seen in Cuba. The country
responded to the cry, "What is Spain doing over here anyhow?"
President McKinley and his peace policy were left high and dry, and
nothing remained for him but to go with the country. The Government
then announced that war was not undertaken for territorial
aggrandizement, and Cuba was promised independence--a promise
faithfully kept. We should not fail to remember this, for it is the
one cheering feature of the war.

The possession of the Philippines left a stain. They were not only
territorial acquisition; they were dragged from reluctant Spain and
twenty million dollars paid for them. The Filipinos had been our
allies in fighting Spain. The Cabinet, under the lead of the
President, had agreed that only a coaling station in the Philippines
should be asked for, and it is said such were the instructions given
by cable at first to the Peace Commissioners at Paris. President
McKinley then made a tour through the West and, of course, was cheered
when he spoke of the flag and Dewey's victory. He returned, impressed
with the idea that withdrawal would be unpopular, and reversed his
former policy. I was told by one of his Cabinet that every member was
opposed to the reversal. A senator told me Judge Day, one of the Peace
Commissioners, wrote a remonstrance from Paris, which if ever
published, would rank next to Washington's Farewell Address, so fine
was it.

At this stage an important member of the Cabinet, my friend Cornelius
N. Bliss, called and asked me to visit Washington and see the
President on the subject. He said:

"You have influence with him. None of us have been able to move him
since he returned from the West."

I went to Washington and had an interview with him. But