from those of Mr.
Gladstone's measure. It is even possible that a conflict more sharp and
painful than any of recent years may intervene before a settlement is
reached.

Nevertheless, great as are the obstacles in the way, bitter as are the
reproaches with which Mr. Gladstone is pursued by the richer classes in
England, there is good reason to believe that the current is setting
toward his policy. In proceeding to state the grounds for this view, I
must frankly own that I am no longer (as in most of the preceding pages)
merely setting forth facts on which impartial men in England would
agree. The forecast which I seek to give may be tinged by my own belief
that the grant of self-government is the best, if not the only method,
now open to us of establishing peace between the islands, relieving the
English Parliament of work it is ill fitted to discharge, allowing
Ireland opportunities to learn those lessons in politics which her
people so much need. The future, even the near future, is more than
usually dim. Yet, if we examine those three branches of the Irish
question which have been enumerated above, we shall see how naturally,
in each of them, the concession of self-government seems to open, I will
not say the most direct, but the least dangerous way, out of our
troubles.

The Parliamentary difficulty arises from the fact that the
representatives of Ireland have the feelings of foreigners sitting in a
foreign assembly, whose honour and usefulness they do not desire. While
these are their feelings they cannot work properly in it, and it cannot
work properly with them. The inconvenience may be endured, but the
English will grow tired of it, and be disposed to rid themselves of it,
if they see their way to do so without greater mischief. There are but
two ways out of the difficulty. One is to get rid of the Irish members
altogether; the other is to make them, by the concession of their just
demands, contented and loyal members of a truly united Parliament. The
experience of the Parliament of 1880, which was mainly occupied with
Irish business, and began, being a strongly Liberal Parliament, with a
bias toward the Irish popular party, showed how difficult it is for a
House of Commons which is ignorant of Ireland to legislate wisely for
it. In the House of Lords there is not a single Nationalist; indeed, up
till 1886, that exalted chamber contained only one peer, Lord Dalhousie
(formerly member for Liverpool), who had ev