I may remark that the hatred of the Czechs would be
much too formidable for German composure, if the Czechs did not happen
to possess a provincial charter and a special constitution of their own.
If the Irish had the same, their national dislike--so far as it
exists--might be expected to become as bearable as the Germans have
found the feeling of the Czechs. But how deep does Irish dislike go? Is
it directed against Englishmen, or against an English official system?
The answers of every impartial observer to the whole group of such
questions as these favour the conclusion that the imputed hatred of
England in Ireland has been enormously exaggerated and overcoloured by
Ascendency politicians for good reasons of their own; that with the
great majority of Irishmen it has no deep roots; that it is not one of
those passionate international animosities that blind men to their own
interests, or lead them to sacrifice themselves for the sake of injuring
their foe; and, finally, that it would not survive the amendment of the
system that has given it birth.[72]
3. It is assumed that there is a universal desire for Separation. That
there is a strong sentiment of nationality we of course admit; it is
part of the case, and not the worst part. But the sentiment of
nationality is a totally different thing from a desire for Separation.
Scotland might teach our pseudo-Unionists so much as that. Nowhere in
the world is the sentiment of nationality stronger, yet there is not a
whisper of Separation. That there is a section of Irishmen who desire
Separation is notorious, but everything that has happened since the
Government of Ireland Bill was introduced, including the remarkable
declarations of Mr. Parnell in accepting the Bill (June 7), and
including the proceedings at Chicago, shows that the separatist section
is a very small one either in Ireland or in America, and that it has
become sensibly smaller since, and in consequence of, the proposed
concession of a limited statutory constitution. The Irish are quite
shrewd enough to know that Separation, if it were attainable--and they
are well aware that it is not--would do no good to their markets; and to
that knowledge, as well as to many other internal considerations, we may
confidently look for the victory of strong centripetal over very weak
centrifugal tendencies. Even if we suppose these centrifugal tendencies
to be stronger than I would allow them to be, how shall we best resist
th
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