e, the division will not be, as heretofore, between
the Irish people on the one side and the power of Britain on the other,
but between two parties, each of which will have adherents in both
islands. We may now at last hope that national hatreds will vanish; that
England will unlearn her arrogance and Ireland her suspicion; that the
basis is being laid for a harmonious co-operation of both nations in
promoting the welfare and greatness of a common Empire.

Many of the Irish patriots of 1798 and 1848 desired Separation, because
they thought that Ireland, attached to England, could never be more
than the obscure satellite of a greater State. When Ireland has been
heartily welcomed by the democracy of Great Britain as an equal partner,
the ground for any such desire will have disappeared, and Union will
rest on a foundation firmer than has ever before existed. Ireland will
feel, when those rights of self-government have been secured for which
she has pleaded so long, that she owes them, not only to her own
tenacity and courage, but to the magnanimity, the justice, and the
freely given sympathy of the English and Scottish people.

_October_, 1887.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 69: This article, which originally appeared in the American
_New Princeton Review_, has been added to in a few places, in order to
bring its narrative of facts up to date.]

[Footnote 70: The experience of the last few months, which has shown us
rural Boards of Guardians and municipal bodies over four-fifths of
Ireland displaying their zeal in the Nationalist cause, has amply
confirmed this anticipation, expressed nearly a year ago.]

SOME ARGUMENTS CONSIDERED.[71]

BY JOHN MORLEY.

It is a favourite line of argument to show that we have no choice
between the maintenance of the Union and the concession to Ireland of
national independence. The evils of Irish independence are universally
reckoned by Englishmen to be so intolerable that we shall never agree to
it. The evils of Home Rule are even more intolerable still. Therefore,
it is said, if we shall never willingly bring the latter upon our heads,
_a fortiori_ we ought on no account to invite the former. The business
in hand, however, is not a theorem, but a problem; it is not a thesis to
be proved, but a malady to be cured; and the world will thank only the
reasoner who winds up, not with Q.E.D., but with Q.E.F. To reason that a
patient ought not to take a given medicine because it may pos