as been given. They need
time to appreciate, digest, and comprehend a new proposition. Timid they
are not, nor, perhaps, exceptionally cautious, but they do not like to
be hurried, and insist on looking at a proposition for a good while
before they come to a decision regarding it. It is one of the qualities
which make them a great people. As has been observed, this proposition
was novel, was most serious, and raised questions which they felt that
their knowledge was insufficient to determine. Accordingly, a certain
section of the Liberal party refused to accept it. A great number,
probably the majority, of these doubtful men abstained from voting.
Others voted against the Home Rule Liberal candidates, not necessarily
because they condemned the policy, but because, as they were not
satisfied that it was right, they deemed delay a less evil than the
committal of the nation to a new departure, which might prove
irrevocable.

It must not, however, be supposed that it was only hesitation which
drove many Liberals into the host arrayed against the Irish Government
Bill. I have already said that among the leaders there were some, and
those men of great influence, who condemned its principles. This was
true also of a considerable, though a relatively smaller, section of the
rank and file. And it was only what might have been expected. The
proposal to undo much of the work done in 1800, to alter fundamentally
the system which had for eighty-six years regulated the relations of the
two islands, by setting up a Parliament in Ireland, was a proposal which
not only had not formed a part of the accepted creed of the Liberal
party, but fell outside party lines altogether. It might, no doubt, be
argued, as was actually done, and as those who understand the history of
the Liberal party have more and more come to see, that Liberal
principles recommended it, since they involve faith in the people, and
faith in the curative tendency of local self-government. But this was by
no means axiomatic. Taking the whole complicated facts of the case, and
taking Liberalism as it had been practically understood in England, a
man might in July, 1886, deem himself a good Liberal and yet think that
the true interests of both peoples would be best served by maintaining
the existing Parliamentary system. Similarly, there was nothing in
Toryism or Tory principles to prevent a fair-minded and patriotic Tory
from approving the Home Rule scheme. It was a retur