sy, was not a writer of much name. This contrast is
the more remarkable since religion had not revived in France when the
French philosopher wrote, while for the last quarter of a century
Bavaria has been distinguished among Catholic nations for the faith of
her people. Yet Lamennais was powerless to injure a generation of
comparatively ill-instructed Catholics, while Frohschammer, with
inferior gifts of persuasion, has won educated followers even in the
home of Ultramontanism.

The first obvious explanation of this difficulty is the narrowness of
Lamennais's philosophy. At the time of his dispute with the Holy See he
had somewhat lost sight of his traditionalist theory; and his attention,
concentrated upon politics, was directed to the problem of reconciling
religion with liberty,--a question with which the best minds in France
are still occupied. But how can a view of policy constitute a
philosophy? He began by thinking that it was expedient for the Church to
obtain the safeguards of freedom, and that she should renounce the
losing cause of the old _regime_. But this was no more philosophy than
the similar argument which had previously won her to the side of
despotism when it was the stronger cause. As Bonald, however, had
erected absolute monarchy into a dogma, so Lamennais proceeded to do
with freedom. The Church, he said, was on the side of freedom, because
it was the just side, not because it was the stronger. As De Maistre had
seen the victory of Catholic principles in the Restoration, so Lamennais
saw it in the revolution of 1830.

This was obviously too narrow and temporary a basis for a philosophy.
The Church is interested, not in the triumph of a principle or a cause
which may be dated as that of 1789, or of 1815, or of 1830, but in the
triumph of justice and the just cause, whether it be that of the people
or of the Crown, of a Catholic party or of its opponents. She admits the
tests of public law and political science. When these proclaim the
existence of the conditions which justify an insurrection or a war, she
cannot condemn that insurrection or that war. She is guided in her
judgment on these causes by criteria which are not her own, but are
borrowed from departments over which she has no supreme control. This is
as true of science as it is of law and politics. Other truths are as
certain as those which natural or positive law embraces, and other
obligations as imperative as those which regulate the re