war, and still in full possession
of their independence; seeing several of the principal powers of
Europe long involved in the contest; having observed between them the
strictest neutrality to this moment; and having at last freely
tendered her good offices to bring about a general pacification upon
the most reasonable and just grounds and principles, which the Court
of London has thought proper to reject, still keeping up their absurd
claims over the United States; it would seem after all this, that
there now remained but one step for her Imperial Majesty to take,
consistent with her dignity, (for I presume the mediators cannot
withdraw their proposition,) which is, to acknowledge the independence
of America, as the most probable means, if not the only one, now left
to restore peace to both Europe and America, and effectually to
establish freedom of commerce and navigation to all nations.
If the sovereigns of Europe do not see this to be the proper moment
for putting the finishing stroke to so glorious a work, when is it to
be expected the critical moment will arrive? How long are they likely
to wait before they presume to form political connexions with, and
enjoy the profitable commerce of the new world? Will they stay till
the pride and arrogance of Britain shall be so far humbled, as
voluntarily to give up her chimerical claims over the United States,
and to invite them into this political connexion?
These are the sentiments and opinions of a man, who feels the want of
experience in the business of Courts, and of that local information,
both of which your Excellency possesses, in so eminent a degree. It is
therefore with much diffidence I venture to differ from yours. I have
endeavored to follow that example of frankness you have set me in your
communication; and I hope I have treated your sentiments and opinions
with all that decency and respect, which everything which may come
from you, demands of me. If I am wrong, I trust you will have the
goodness to set me right. I have already reflected upon this subject,
but I shall most certainly attend to your friendly caution, and
reflect again upon it, before I open the character with which I am
clothed, and be careful to avoid engaging myself in any measure, which
may become more prejudicial than advantageous to the success of my
views. On the other hand, when I see no difficulty in adopting the
measure I shall presently mention, it becomes my indispensable duty to
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