ll
confine myself, therefore, to those which respect the nations about
the Baltic, and particularly Russia. A few short reflections upon
these reasonings, or rather assertions, may perhaps show the mere
fallacy of them.

"Let it be admitted, that Great Britain will in fact continue to take
off all the superfluous productions and manufactures of Russia. Does
it follow from hence, that Russia can have no interest in a free and
direct commerce with America? Will it make no difference to the
interests of Russia whether she disposes of her commodities to Great
Britain alone, or to Great Britain and America at the same time? Will
not the concurrence of America in her ports give an additional
advantage to Russia? Will it not enhance the price of her commodities?
Will it not increase the demand for them? And will not this increased
demand be the means also of increasing the quantity of her productions
and manufactures? If these things do not follow, all the reasonings of
the best writers upon the principles of commerce, showing the great
benefits every nation derives from the concurrence of purchasers of
her commodities, are false and delusive. Besides, how is Russia paid
for her productions and manufactures? Is it not by exchange in a very
great proportion for foreign commodities? Are not many of these
foreign commodities of the peculiar production or manufacture of
America, such as rice, indigo, sugar, coffee, cocoa, pimento,
cochineal, and all sorts of dyeing woods? Does it make no difference
to the interest of Russia, whether she receives those articles
directly from the countries, which produce them, or in circuitous
voyages through Great Britain, and consequently from a third hand?
Does not this course draw along with it double freight, double
insurance, double commissions, and are not all the other charges
attending a voyage (to say nothing of additional duties,) ordinarily
doubled by means of this circuitous course? Will not the price of such
American commodities be increased by these means when they arrive in
Russia, at the most moderate computation, at the rate of twentyfive
per cent? Will not Russia, therefore, necessarily lose at that same
rate, upon all her commodities sold to Great Britain in exchange for
such American commodities? And will not this contribute in a great
measure to keep the course of exchange against her? And will she not
lose also the advantages she would infallibly derive from the
concurrence