thers, to which he meant
to draw my particular attention, by underscoring them, as merely
colorable terms, and a specimen of that finesse, from which the
politics of Europe can never be free. I should therefore have drawn
from it a conclusion very different from that of the French Minister,
viz.--"_It is therefore clear, that their design is to avoid
compromiting themselves by recognising the independence of the United
States, till England herself shall have done it_;" for if, as he would
have me to understand, the mediators do in fact still consider the
United States as British Colonies, and that neither the belligerent
powers, or themselves, ought to interfere in settling the war between
them and Great Britain, without being invited by both parties, how
comes it to pass, that as mediators between the belligerent powers,
meaning not to comprehend America under that predicament, they should
go on to annex, in the nature of condition of their mediation, that
"there shall be _at the same time_ a treaty between Great Britain and
the American Colonies, respecting the re-establishment of peace in
America;" thereby prescribing to a sovereign State _the time_ when it
shall enter upon the settlement of a dispute, existing between the
Sovereign of that State and a part of his subjects, in which they mean
not to intermeddle; and, according to the French Ministers, even the
manner of doing it. For, says he, "the mediating Courts intend
thereby, that your deputies shall treat simply with the English
Ministers, in the same manner as they have already treated in America
with the Commissioners from Great Britain in the year 1778." I could
have set him right in matter of fact here, but it would have answered
no good purpose.

This measure, I am told, has been proposed "to conciliate opposing
pretensions," and "that the result of their negotiations will make
known to the other powers on what footing they ought to be regarded,
and that their public character will be acknowledged without
difficulty _from the moment that the English interpose no
opposition_." If such were the designs of the mediators, why not leave
Great Britain to compose her internal troubles in her own time, and in
her own way, and proceed to the great business of composing those of
the nations of Europe? How are we to account for the Court of London
rejecting the mediation if they conceived the proposition in that very
inoffensive light, which he supposes it to be mea