these contests. Unions
with a specially strong strategic situation in industry and a favored
situation in the Federation are not yet ready to forego their privileges
for this form of direct democracy, but the tendency is in this
direction. (Since these lines were first written the Federation has
taken steps towards the adoption of this plan of direct election of its
officials by national referendum.)

Indeed, when the Western Miners' second proposal, the refusal to sign
agreements for any fixed period, is adopted, this simultaneous
centralization and democratization of the Federation may proceed apace.
As long as the various unions are bound to the employers by an entirely
separate and independent agreement terminable at different dates, it is
impossible to arrange strikes in common, especially when the more
fortunate unions adopt an entirely different plan of organization and an
entirely different policy from the rest. The Western Miners now propose
that all agreements be done away with, a practice they had followed long
and successfully themselves--with the single tacit exception of the
employees of the Smelter Trust (Guggenheim's). This exception they have
now done away with. Their fundamental idea is that as long as the
capitalist reserves his right to close down his works whenever he
believes his interests or those of capital require it, every union
should reserve its right to stop work at any moment when the interests
of the union or of labor require it. Temporary arrangements are entered
into which are binding as to all other matters except the cessation of
work. That this cessation would not occur in any well-organized union
over trifles goes without saying--strikes are tremendously costly to
labor. The agreement binds in a way perfectly familiar to the business
world in the call loan or the tenancy at will.

President Moyer of the Western Federation (one of those Mr. Roosevelt
called an "undesirable citizen" at the time when he was on trial in
Idaho, accused of being an accomplice in the murder of Governor
Steunenburg) explained that his union knew that agreements might bring
certain momentary advantages which it would otherwise lose, that it had
often been in a position to win higher wages through an agreement, and
in three cases even to gain a seven-hour day. But by such action, he
declared the union would have surrendered its freedom. It would have
been tied hand and foot, whereas now it was free to fight