is new unionism. For many years the Western
Federation of Miners, famous as the central figure in all the labor wars
in the Rocky Mountain States, was the most powerful union in this
country that was representative both of revolutionary Socialism and of
revolutionary unionism. But it was not a part of the American
Federation of Labor. When it became closely united with the Coal Miners,
and the latter union forced its admission into the American Federation
of Labor (in 1911), it at once began a campaign for its principles
inside this organization. It now stands for two proposals, the first of
which would solidly unite all the unions, and the second of which would
cut all bonds between labor and capital. Neither is likely to be adopted
this year, but both seem sure of a growing popularity and will in all
probability result in some radical and effective action within a very
few years.

In its Convention of July, 1911, the Western Federation of Miners
decided to demand of the Federation of Labor the free exchange of
membership cards among all its constituent unions. Thus the unions would
preserve their autonomy, but every member would be free, when he changed
his employer, to pass from one to the other without cost. The result
would be that quarrels between the unions over members would lessen
automatically, and also admission fees, dues, and benefits would tend
towards a level. Thus all the things that keep the unions apart and
prevent common action against the employer would be gradually removed,
and the tendency of certain unions to ignore the interests of others
reduced to a minimum. The plan is practical, because it has already been
in successful operation for many years in France.

Another new policy--which should be regarded as a supplementary means
for bringing about the same result--would be to so strengthen and
democratize the general Federation as to allow great power to be placed
in the hands of the executive, and at the same time subject it to the
direct control of the combined rank and file of all the unions. If, for
example, national Federation officials were elected, instructed, and
recalled by a vote of all the unionists in the country, the latter would
probably be willing to place in the hands of such an executive power to
call out the unions in strike in such combinations as would make the
resistance of employers most difficult, and power to control national
strike funds collected from all the unions for