the transformation of a capitalist into a Socialist society;
it is then to their interest not to retard the development of industry
by the restriction of output, but to advance it. Indeed, Mr. Duchez's
philosophy is not that of Socialist labor unionism, but of anarchist
labor unionism, and there have been strong tendencies in many
countries, not only in France and Italy, but also in the United States,
especially among the more conservative unions, to be guided by such a
policy. It is the essence of Mr. Gompers's program, as I have shown, to
claim that "a partial expropriation of capital" is taking place through
the unions, and that by this means, _without any government action_, and
_without any revolutionary general strike_ the workers will gradually
"get all they produce." According to the Socialist view, such a gradual
expropriation can only _begin_ after a _political and economic_
revolution, or when, on its near approach, capitalists prefer to make
vital concessions rather than to engage in such a conflict.

The leading Socialist monthly in America, the _International Socialist
Review_, which has indorsed the new unionism, has even found it
necessary recently to remind its readers that the Socialist Party does
after all play a certain role and a more or less important one, in the
revolutionary movement. "Representative revolutionary unionists, like
Lagardelle of France and Tom Mann of Australia," said the _Review_,
"point out the immense value of a political party _as an auxiliary_ to
the unions. A revolutionary union without the backing of a revolutionary
party will be tied up by injunctions. Its officers will be kidnapped.
Its members, if they defy the courts, will be corralled in bull pens or
mowed down by Gatling guns.

"A revolutionary party, on the other hand, if it pins its hopes mainly
to the passing of laws, tends always to degenerate into a reform party.
Its 'leaders' become hungry for office and eager for votes, even if the
votes must be secured by concessions to the middle class. In the pursuit
of such votes it wastes its propaganda on immediate demands."

The _Review_ adds, however, that a non-political menace of revolution
does ten times as much for reforms as any political activity; which can
only mean that in its estimation revolutionary strikes, boycotts,
demonstrations, etc., are of ten times higher present value than the
ballot.

Mr. Tom Mann seems also to subordinate political to labor union