earners has not been much improved." Indeed, the
condition of the workers is little, if any, better than in America. Mr.
Clark writes: "The general welfare of the working classes in Australasia
does not differ widely from that in the United States. The hours of work
are fewer in most occupations, but the wage per hour is less than in
America. The cost of living is about the same in both countries. There
appears to be as much poverty in the cities of New Zealand as in the
cities of the same size in the United States, and as many people of
large wealth." It is no doubt true, as these writers say, that, of the
people classed as propertyless, "many are young, industrious, and
well-paid wage earners; who, if they have health and good luck may yet
acquire a competency" in this as in any other new country. Yet it is
only to those who "have saved something," _i.e._ to property holders,
that the State really lends a helping hand.

Even when New Zealand becomes an industrial country, the writers quoted
calculate that "it should be possible for the party of property to
attach to itself the more efficient among the working class, by giving
them high wages, short hours, pleasant conditions of labor,
opportunities for promotion, a chance to acquire property, insurance
benefits, and _greater_ advantages of every kind than they could gain
under any form of Socialism. If this can be done, the Socialists will be
in a hopeless minority."

Here we have in a few words the universal labor policy of "State
Socialism." Labor reforms are to be given to the working class first, to
encourage in them as long as possible the hope to rise; second, when
this is no longer effective, to make the upper layers contented, and
finally to "increase industrial efficiency," as these same writers
say--but at no time to put the workers on a level with the
property-owning classes.

Indeed, it is impossible to do more on a national scale, as these
writers point out, for both capital and labor are international. If
"State Socialism" were carried to the point of equalizing the share of
labor, either immigration would be attracted until wages were lowered
again, or capital would emigrate, or the nation would have to defend its
exclusiveness by being prepared for war.

"It is hard to see how any country, whether Socialistic or
individualistic in its industrial organization, can long keep its
advantage over other countries without some restrictio