orsement of his policy of accepting the government pension offer.
But the orthodox followers of Guesde and the revolutionary disciples of
Herve joined to secure its condemnation first by the Paris organization,
and later by the National Council of the Party by the decisive vote of
87 to 51. This resolution which marks a great turning point in the
French Party, is in part as follows:--
"The National Council declares that each time a labor question is to be
decided, the Socialist Party should act in accord with the General
Confederation of Labor."
As the Confederation has indorsed Socialism both as an end and as a
means, few, if any, Socialist parties would object to this resolution.
But the Confederation is also revolutionary, and this policy, if adhered
to, marks an end to the influence of the "reformism" of Jaures.
The precise objections to the government's insurance proposal are also
significant. The National Council protested against the following
features:--
(1) The compulsory contributions.
(2) The capitalization (of the fund).
(3) The ridiculous smallness of the pension.
(4) The age required to obtain the pension.
(5) The reestablishment of workingmen's certificates.
Among the working people there is no doubt that the first feature was
the chief cause of unpopularity. But Socialists know that, through
indirect taxes or the automatic fall in wages or rise in prices, the
same object of charging the bill to the workers may be reached. The
capitalization refers to the investment and management of the large fund
required by a capitalist government, thereby increasing its power. The
last point has to do with the tendency to restrict the workers' liberty
in return for the benefits granted--a tendency more visible with the
pensions of the railway employees which were almost avowedly granted to
sweeten the bitter pill of a law directed against their organizations.
The same orthodox and revolutionary elements in the Party overthrew the
Monis Ministry by refusing to vote for it with Jaures and his followers.
But this ministry, perhaps the most radical France has had, was in part
a creation of Jaures, who had hailed it with delight in his organ,
_L'Humanite_. The fact that it only lived for three months and was
overthrown by Socialists was another crushing blow to Jaures. As it came
simultaneously with his defeat in the National Council, it is highly
improbable that the reform
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