same time even more valuable to the
capitalists, and would be carried out to the end even if there were no
Socialists in existence. If the revolutionary wing of the French Party
once conceded to capitalism itself this possibility of bringing about
certain reforms, they would be in a position effectively to oppose the
reformist tactics of Jaures within the Party. By giving full credit to
the semi-democratic and semi-capitalistic reform parties for certain
measures, they would go as far as he does in the direction of
conciliation and common sense in politics; by denying the possibility of
the slightest cooeperation with non-Socialists on other and _still more
important questions_, they could constantly intensify the political
conflict, and since Jaures is a perpetual compromiser, put him in the
minority in every contested vote within the party. By attacking the
capitalists blindly and on all occasions they have created the necessity
of a conciliator--the role that Jaures so ably and effectively fills.

But, however friendly the Toulouse program may have seemed to Jaures's
reform tactics, it is not on that account any less explicit in its
indorsement of revolutionary methods whenever the moment happens to be
propitious. It states that the Socialist Party "continually reminds the
proletariat [working class] by its propaganda that they will find
salvation and entire freedom only in a collectivist and communist
regime"; that "it carries on this propaganda in all places in order to
raise everywhere the spirit of demand and of combat," and that "the
Socialists not only indorse the general strike for use in economic
struggles, but also for the purpose of finally absorbing capitalism."

"Like all exploited classes throughout history," it concludes, "the
proletariat affirms its right to take recourse at certain moments to
insurrectionary violence."

The Toulouse Congress showed, not the present position of the French
Party or of the International, but the points on which Socialist
revolutionists and reformers, everywhere else at sword's point, can
agree. The reformers do not object to promising the revolutionaries that
they shall have their own way in the relatively rare crises when
revolutionary means are used or contemplated. The revolutionaries are
willing to allow the reformers to claim all the credit for all reforms
beneficial to the workers that happen to be enacted. Neither gives up
their first principle, whether it be re