the error had, no doubt, unblameable
intentions, but they did not consult common sense.
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[end of page #258]
In every assembly, a small number, who completely understand their
own interest, can do a great deal, if they will act together; but, this is
not all, they can use arguments with a minister that pave the way for
obtaining the ends they have in view, while the general interests of the
country alarm no one but upon great occasions.
Under arbitrary monarchs, all bodies with separate interests, are kept
in due order, they have no means of defending themselves but by
remonstrance, which, against power, is but a very inadequate
protection.
There is nothing forced or chimerical in this statement of the case, and
the consequence is, that no country ever saw any bodies rise to such a
height, except the clergy in Roman Catholic countries, and the barons
during the feudal system, when they had arms in their hands; who, if
they could not absolutely resist their sovereign, were at least able to
refuse him aid, and could annoy him greatly. But those examples will
bear no comparison with the separate interests in England at this time.
The barons have long lost their power, and the Roman Catholic clergy
have lost the greatest part of their power and revenue also. If they had
not, wealthy and powerful kingdoms would not have existed.
Under a free government, where people think that an opposition to a
minister in parliament is a most excellent thing, the energies of the
nation, as to war, are greatly lessened. This must, in its connections
with other nations, produce very hurtful effects; but, where the evil is
without a remedy, there is no advantage in dwelling upon it; and it
does not appear that there is any possibility of separating from a free
government, some sort of an opposing power, that must hamper the
executive, and lessen the energies of the nation.
Under pure monarchies, kings can reward merit; they can encourage
talents, and act according to circumstances. In England, the king, or
his ministers, have no fund from which they can do this. An
application to parliament is expensive and troublesome; and, in many
cases, where the object would be fair, it would be unattainable. But
this is not all, for when, by act of parliament, any thing of the sort is
[end of page #259] once done, it is left without proper controul, and
the expense is generally double what it ought to be.
On the whole, there is too litt
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