FREE BOOKS

Author's List




PREV.   NEXT  
|<   265   266   267   268   269   270   271   272   273   274   275   276   277   278   279   280   281   282   283   284   285   286   287   288   289  
290   291   292   293   294   295   296   297   298   299   300   301   302   303   304   305   306   307   308   309   310   311   312   313   314   >>   >|  
eir local and private interests and will permit their political craft to drift into a compromising situation--from which the penalties of rescue may be almost as distressing as the penalties of submission. The tradition of an individualist and provincial democracy, which is the mainstay of an anti-national policy, does not include ideals which have to be realized by aggressive action. Their ideals are the ones embodied in our existing system, and their continued vitality demands merely a policy of inaction enveloped in a cloud of sacred phrases. The advocates and the beneficiaries of the prevailing ideas and conditions are little by little being forced into the inevitable attitude of the traditional Bourbon--the attitude of maintaining customary or legal rights merely because they are customary or legal, and predicting the most awful consequences from any attempt to impair them. Men, or associations of men, who possess legal or customary rights inimical to the public welfare, always defend those rights as the essential part of a political system, which, if it is overthrown, will prove destructive to public prosperity and security. On no other ground can they find a plausible public excuse for their opposition. The French royal authority and aristocratic privileges were defended on these grounds in 1780, and as the event proved, with some show of reason. In the same way the partial legislative control of nationalized corporations now exercised by the state government, is defended, not on the ground that it has been well exercised, not even plausibly on the ground that it can be well exercised. It is defended almost exclusively on the ground that any increase in the authority of the Federal government is dangerous to the American people. But the Federal government belongs to the American people even more completely than do the state governments, because a general current of public opinion can act much more effectively on the single Federal authority than it can upon the many separate state authorities. Popular interests have nothing to fear from a measure of Federal centralization, which bestows on the Federal government powers necessary to the fulfillment of its legitimate responsibilities; and the American people cannot in the long run be deceived by pleas which bear the evidence of such a selfish origin and have such dubious historical associations. The rights and the powers both of states and individuals must be comp
PREV.   NEXT  
|<   265   266   267   268   269   270   271   272   273   274   275   276   277   278   279   280   281   282   283   284   285   286   287   288   289  
290   291   292   293   294   295   296   297   298   299   300   301   302   303   304   305   306   307   308   309   310   311   312   313   314   >>   >|  



Top keywords:
Federal
 

ground

 

government

 

rights

 

public

 

exercised

 

American

 

people

 

customary

 
defended

authority

 

powers

 

interests

 

system

 

political

 

ideals

 

attitude

 
associations
 
policy
 
penalties

plausibly

 

increase

 

dangerous

 

exclusively

 

legislative

 

proved

 

grounds

 

reason

 
corporations
 

nationalized


control
 
partial
 

single

 
deceived
 
responsibilities
 
fulfillment
 

legitimate

 

evidence

 
states
 
individuals

historical
 

selfish

 

origin

 
dubious
 
bestows
 

current

 

opinion

 

general

 

governments

 

belongs