ing race in the practical characer and permanence of its
progress.
Guizot says[1] that the true order of national development in free
government is, first, to convert the natural liberties of man into
clearly defined political rights; and, next, to guarantee the security
of those rights by the establishment of forces capable of maintaining
them.
[1] Guizot's "History of Representative Government," lect. vi.
Nowhere do we find better illustrations of this truth than in the
history of England, and of the colonies which England has planted.
For the fact cannot be too strongly emphasized that *in European
history England stands as the leader in the development of
constitutional Government* (SS199, 497). Trial by jury (S176), the
legal right to resist oppression (S261), legislative representation
(SS213, 217), religious freedom (S496), the freedom of the press
(S498), and, finally, the principle that all political power is a
trust held for the public good,[1]--these are the assured results of
Anglo-Saxon growth, and the legitimate heritage of every nation of
Anglo-Saxon descent.
[1] Macaulay's "Essay on Sir Robert Walpole."
It is no exaggeration to say that the best men and the best minds in
England, without distinction of rank or class, are now laboring for
the advancement of the people. They see, what has never been so
clearly seen before, that the nation is a unit, that the welfare of
each depends ultimately on the welfare of all, and that the higher a
man stands and the greater his wealth and privileges, so much the more
is he bound to extend a helping hand to those less favored than
himself.
The Socialists, it is true, demand the abolition of private property
in land and the nationalizing not only of the soil but of all mines,
railways, waterworks, and docks in the kingdom. Thus far, however,
they have shown no disposition to attain their objects by violent
action. England, by nature conservative, is slow to break the bond of
historic continuity which connects her present with her past.
"Do you think we shall ever have a second revolution?" the Duke of
Wellington was once asked. "We may," answered the great general, "but
if we do, it will come by act of Parliament." That reply probably
expresses the general temper of the people, who believe that they can
gain by the ballot more than they can by an appeal to force, knowing
that theirs is
"A land of settled government,
A la
|